Like many nations in Africa, Somalia has endured the legacy
of the foreign expedition of greed throughout the continent.
After the Berlin Conference 1884, Western European powers
sought to divide Somaliland—one of the most homogeneous
regions of Africa—into British Somaliland, French
Somaliland, Italian Somaliland, Ethiopian Somaliland (the
Ogaden), and the Northern Frontier District (NFD) of British
Kenya. Thus, sowing the seed for the current ongoing inter
and intra-regional unrest of Somalia.
Fast forward to 1991: a mix of northern and southern
clan-based militias armed, financed, and supported by
Ethiopia toppled Somalia’s central government and, in due
course, brought the strategic collaboration between these
militia groups to an end as each went to secure its area of
influence (read clan-based). This formula would work for
some and not the others.
Stabilization has proven a difficult undertaking in a number
of the southern regions while in the north-west and
north-east regions (Somaliland and Puntland) clan militia
groups and their clan elders were able to bring relative
stability to those regions. This, some argue, was possible
mainly because of the clear single clan dominance in both of
those regions.
Though, both northwest and northeast regions of Somalia
enjoyed relative peace that gained them much praise, they
both fell short of playing a pivotal role in instilling hope
in the hearts and minds of the majority of people in the
rest of Somalia. Neither Somaliland nor Puntland has
indicated any interest in mediating between their warring
brethren in the South.
Many Somalis both in the homeland and in the Diaspora
(including this writer) have envisioned that a modified
version of the northern model of peace that is free of clan
dominance could be duplicated in the rest of
Somalia—creating a foundation of a homegrown national
reconciliation that could ultimately save Somalia.
Lamentably, Somaliland and Puntland opted to keep their
respective successes local and within the confines of their
respective clans. The said approach has not only fueled the
already underway clanization of the Somali political
problem, but has lent both of these two political entities
to forcefully subjugate dissenting voices of people from
other clans with impunity. And as a result have deepened the
distrust between local clans.
Squeezed between the powers of these two administrations are
the people of Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn (SSC)—their high rate
of inter-marriage with people of Somaliland and Puntland,
notwithstanding. Clans within the SSC are considered the
bridge and the glue that kept the union of North and South
or the Somali state together. Over the years, the people of
SSC have taken the brunt of Somaliland and Puntland forces;
each wanting to annex them.
In addition to the impact of the long drought, these people
continue to suffer sporadic violent campaigns from both
sides. And though it is hidden from the world’s view, their
condition is another humanitarian disaster in the making.
Meanwhile, there are the howling voices of the women and
children of these regions as they are torn between the men
they love, their husbands, sons, fathers, brothers and next
of kin, who are dying as a result of a tug of lethal war
fought in the name of secession versus union.
I recently received an email from a friend whose father is
from Hargaisa (Somaliland) and his mother from Buhodle
(SSC). In it he made this heart-wrenching comment that
eloquently sheds light on the tragedy of fratricide or clan
wars; especially as it divides families. He said
“Territories that want to secede should not be allowed to
force those who want to remain in the union. My father
should just leave my mother in peace if she wants Sool to be
part and parcel of Somalia. And he is free to pursue his
political desires to run with Somaliland as he wishes.”
Somalia is inundated with arms and ammunitions, and anyone
with money can buy them to kill and maim the innocent such
as women, children, elderly and minorities with impunity.
Let there be no mistake, using force to annex these regions
is a lose-lose proposition. It will only contribute to more
deaths and destruction that could end the relative peace
long enjoyed by the people of the north.
Against that backdrop, the Obama administration’s Dual-Track
(multi-track) policy toward Somalia has exacerbated the
situation for these people. This policy gave boost to the
institutionalization of clanism as it is set to further
polarize the society by engaging non-state actors such as
clan based administrations, militias, clan leaders and
self-proclaimed ones as legitimate leaders so long as they
are against Al-Shabaab; even if these actors are against the
Transitional Federal Government (TFG)—the same government
that the US claims to support. The continuation of the
counter-terrorism containment policy only provides bandages
to festering wounds that neither helps Somalia nor the US.
To remedy the long standing issue of SSC regions, both
Somaliland and Puntland must end their respective campaigns
of forcing the people of SSC into submission. Violence
cannot solve this problem. On their part, the TFG must be
mindful of people of SSC’s struggle for self-preservation
while genuinely addressing the grievances of their brethren
from the north-western and pave the way and indeed
spearheading a genuine national reconciliation initiative
that holistically addresses the Somali political problem.
_______________________________
Sadia Ali Aden is a Human rights advocate and a freelance
writer
Email:
sadiaaden@gmail.com
The opinions
contained in this article are solely those of the writer, and it does not represent the
editorial opinions of Markacadeey online |
